Politic-Economic-Society-Tech

No Cheers Here
Proposals to empower Beijing to replace the city's top leader spark fears that the former British colony's autonomy is eroding

By DAVENA MOK

It didn't feel like an auspicious day. Typhoon Durian blew through Hong Kong on July 1, the fourth anniversary of the former British colony's return to Chinese rule. Some 6,000 demonstrators took to the streets despite the whipping rains to protest everything from pension policies to unemployment and grassroots issues. More than 800 marched through the city's Central financial district, calling for the election of the city's chief executive by universal suffrage. "Elect, not select the chief executive," they shouted, before handing a petition signed by 30,000 to a police representative. "We see nothing to celebrate," said pro-democracy legislator Emily Lau. "It is a day to fight for a democratic government."

Hong Kong is a pragmatic place, and most people stayed inside during the storm. Although they got a day off from work, residents found little reason to mark the anniversary. As many as 60% of Hong Kong people aren't even proud to be Chinese citizens, according to a recent University of Hong Kong poll. The economic downturn that has haunted the city since the handover hasn't helped. Recently, the mood has turned even more sour: concerns that Hong Kong's autonomy — supposedly enshrined in the 'one country, two systems' formula — is under siege have added to the sense that the city is losing its way. "We are going through a political evolution," says Christine Loh, a former legislator who quit because she felt her voice wasn't being heard. "People are disappointed."

The latest challenge emerged last month, when Hong Kong lawmakers proposed legislation that would allow Beijing to remove the city's top leader. Though Tung Chee-hwa was elected by a group of 400 voters handpicked by Beijing, he supposedly is independent. Pro-democracy legislators argue that the law would make the unpopular chief executive openly beholden to Beijing. If passed without amendment, "the control of Hong Kong becomes subject to bargaining, corruption and manipulation," says political analyst Michael De Golyer. Audrey Eu, a usually soft-spoken lawyer, stormed out of a legislature debate on the topic, saying "I'm totally disgusted." Other legislators have told her to "trust" Beijing. "It's not about trust," she says. "It's a question of legal principle." The bill will be discussed again on July 11.

The legal flap comes on the heels of a controversy about how Hong Kong will deal with the Falungong spiritual movement, which is banned in China as an "evil cult." Tung has echoed Beijing's charges and threatened to introduce a law banning cults. The city's pro-democracy camp yelped that such a law would undermine freedoms. In the midst of the growing concerns, Chief Secretary Anson Chan, long an advocate for preserving Hong Kong's separate identity, retired early, raising suspicion that she felt the city's autonomy was crumbling. Her successor, Donald Tsang, has tried to dispel such fears. He said Hong Kong "is not legislating" — but issued a statement later, stressing he wasn't contradicting Tung. Which raises the big question: Is Tung introducing the controversial measures on his own, or is Beijing putting him up to it? Many analysts say changes in Hong Kong since the handover have been locally imposed. Beijing has taken a hands-off approach, while Tung's government has made moves that have compromised the city's independence. Hong Kong asked Beijing to overturn a decision by the Court of Final Appeal, for example. "The chief executive and the government have surrendered a high degree of autonomy on a silver platter to Beijing," says Democratic Party chief Martin Lee. Others think Beijing is behind the latest move. Says Lau Siu-kai, a sociologist at Chinese University of Hong Kong: "China is worried about Hong Kong, so it wants to leave its options open and have no legal troubles." 

The government points out that foreign investment, totaling $64 billion, continues to come into Hong Kong. The number of regional offices jumped 20% to 3000 over the past year. Yet Eu says success can't be gauged by business alone; factors like justice and human rights must be considered. "Hong Kong's rule of law is under erosion," says Lau, "but it is still far superior to the mainland." The question is, for how long will that continue to be true? 

source: Asiaweek.com, July 13, 2001